কুবেরের সাদা হাতি
ভারতীয় অর্থনীতি সাবালক হয়ে উঠছে এমনটা বলা যায় কী? একসময়ের ধন কুবেরদের জায়গায় বর্তমান ভারতে ‘সাদা হাতির’ সংখ্যা তুলনায় অনেক অনেক বেশি। ১৯৯৮ সালের পর অতি ধীর গতিতে এইসব ‘সাদা হাতি’র সংখ্যা বেড়েছে। নব্য কৌটিল্যের ভারতীয় অর্থনীতি নিয়ে আলোচনা শোনা এবং নিবন্ধ পড়ার অপেক্ষায় থাকছি। সম্প্রতি প্রধানমন্ত্রী নরেন্দ্র মোদী কালো টাকা উদ্ধারে যে সাফাই অভিযান শুরু করেছেন সেটাকে আজ অথবা আগামীতে একটা সংঞ্জা দিতেই হবে ভারতের স্বনামধন্য অর্থনীতিবিদদের। কারণ বর্তমানে উন্নত এবং তথ্য-প্রযুক্তি নির্ভর ভারতীয় গণতন্ত্রে কাল টাকার হার জিডিপির প্রায় ৫০ শতাংশে পৌঁছেছে। ভারতীয় সংবাদ মাধ্যম এমন দাবি করছে। বিশ্বব্যাঙ্কের ২০১০ সালের একটি রিপোর্টে আছে। যে খবর বাংলা সংবাদ মাধ্যম উল্লেখ করেছে।
‘’২০১০-এ বিশ্বব্যাঙ্ক জানায়, ১৯৯৯ সালে ভারতে কালো অর্থনীতির বহর ছিল জিডিপির ২০.৭ শতাংশ। ২০০৭-এ যা ২৩.২ শতাংশে গিয়ে পৌঁছয়। এখন এর পরিমাণ কত, সে সম্পর্কে সরকারেরও স্পষ্ট ধারণা নেই।‘’ আলোচনার বিষয়ে প্রথমেই বলে নেওয়া ভালো ভারতীয় কালো টাকার বাজারে এই প্রথম সাফাই অভিযান হল এমনটা নয়। তবে আধুনিক ভারতে গতিশীল সংবাদ মাধ্যমের কল্যাণে হৈ চৈ অনেক বেশি হল। এবং সাধারণ খেটে খাওয়া মানুষ অনেক বেশি হয়রানির মধ্যে রয়েছেন। আমরা যদি একবার পেছনের দিকে তাকাই তাহলে জানতে পারব, ৮ নভেম্বর কালো টাকা উদ্ধারের অভিযানের আগে ১৯৪৬ এবং ১৯৭৮ সালে দু’দুবার কালো টাকা অভিযানের কথা ভারতীয় ইতিহাসে লেখা আছে। ১৯৪৬ সালে পরাধীন ভারতে ব্রিটিশ সরকার অভিযান চালায় ১৬ জানুয়ারি মধ্যরাতে।
সেদিনের কালো টাকা উদ্ধারে কিন্তু সাধারণ মধ্যবিত্ত, নিম্ন মধ্যবিত্ত এবং খেটে খাওয়া মানুষদের কোনরকম হয়রানি বা হেনস্থা হয়নি। পরিণত আর্থিক ম্যানেজমেন্টের কারণেই কি সুচারুভাবে সুশৃঙ্খল সেই অভিযান চালানো সম্ভব হয়েছিল? ১৯৪৬ সালের তৎকালীন ঔপনিবেশিক সরকার ১০০০ টাকা এবং ১০, ০০০ টাকার নোট নিষিদ্ধ ঘোষণা করেছিল। ১৯৭৮ সালে মোরারজী দেশাইয়ের সরকারও মজুত কালো টাকার উদ্ধারে যে অভিযান চালায় সে ক্ষেত্রেও সাধারণ মানুষের হয়রানি ছিল না। উল্লেখ করা যায় তৎকালীন ভারতীয় খেটে খাওয়া মানুষ, সাধারণ মধ্যবিত্ত, নিম্নবিত্ত শ্রেণীর মানুষ ১০০০ টাকা নোটের খবরই রাখতেন না। তাঁরা ১০০০ টাকার নোট দেখাটা স্বপ্ন বিলাস বলেই মনে করতেন। এবং অবশ্যই বলতে হবে হঠাৎ গজিয়ে ওঠা ‘সাদা হাতি’র সংখ্যাও তখন এত বেশি ছিল না আমাদের দেশে।
প্রাক্তন অর্থমন্ত্রী পি চিদম্বরম ৯ নভেম্বর, ২০১৬ তারিখে বলেন, ‘’১৯৭৮-এ মোরারজী দেশাই সরকার ১০০০, ৫০০০ ও ১০, ০০০ টাকার নোট বাতিল করেছিল। তাতে কালো অর্থনীতি বন্ধ হয়নি। তাঁর প্রশ্ন ‘’কালো টাকা তৈরি হওয়া বন্ধ করা উদ্দেশ্য হলে, ১০০০-এর বদলে ২০০০ টাকার নোট চলু হচ্ছে কেন?’’ (সংবাদ সংস্থা)। পাশাপাশি বর্তমান অর্থমন্ত্রী অরুণ জেটলির যুক্তি ওই সময় এত বড় অঙ্কের নোটের সংখ্যা খুবই কম ছিল। বাজারে মোট নোটের ১০ শতাংশেরও কম ছিল। কিন্তু এখন ৫০০ ও ১০০০ টাকার নোট বাজারের ৮৬ শতাংশ জুড়ে রয়েছে। ফলে এর ধাক্কাও বেশি লাগবে।
সূত্রের খবর ভারতীয় উপমহাদেশের অন্যতম একটি দেশ ভারতীয় বাজারে ১২,০০০ কোটি জাল টাকার অনুপ্রবেশ ঘটিয়ে ভারতীয় আর্থ-সামাজিক ব্যবস্থার ভীত নড়িয়ে দিতে চেয়েছিল। কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারের হঠাৎ এই সিদ্ধান্তের পিছনে সেটাও একটা বড় কারণ হতে পারে। জাতীয় আর্থ-সামাজিক ভারসাম্য ঠিক রাখতে দেশের প্রধান রাজনৈতিক দলগুলি সরকারের সমালোচনা করতে পারছে না। গঠনমূলক সমালোচনার দায়িত্ব নিতে চাইছে না কংগ্রেস সহ প্রধান ভারতীয় দল সমূহ। সমস্ত বিরোধিতার দায়িত্ব নিয়েছেন পশ্চিমবঙ্গের মুখ্যমন্ত্রী মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়। তিনি ১০ নভেম্বর, ২০১৬ এই বিষয়ে ‘নবান্নে’ বলেন, ‘’কেন্দ্রের গরিব-বিরোধী সরকারের বিরুদ্ধে সাহসের সঙ্গে একজোট হওয়ার জন্য সব বিরোধী দলকে আহ্বান জানাচ্ছি। আসুন এই রাজনৈতিক ও অর্থনৈতিক নৈরাজ্যের বিরুদ্ধে একসঙ্গে লড়াই করি। আমরা সকলের সঙ্গে আছি।‘’
প্রধানমন্ত্রী নরেন্দ্র মোদীর নেতৃত্বে কালো টাকা উদ্ধারের অভিযানকে ‘হিরোশিমা-নাগাসাকি’ অভিযান বলতে চাইছে হাওলা মার্কেট বিষয়ক বিশেষঞ্জরা। বহুল প্রচলিত সর্ব ভারতীয় ইংরেজি খব্রের চ্যনেল News 18-এ ১০ নভেম্বর, ২০১৬-তে প্রকাশিত ওয়েব পেজের শিরোনাম ছিল, ‘Hirosima-Nagasaki’ Moment for Hawla Market, Black money Nucked: Experts. ওয়েব পেজের লেখাটির পুরো অংশ এখানে উল্লেখ করলাম।
‘’New Delhi : Has Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s surgical strike on black money and counterfeit currency dealt a death blow to the illegal Hawala racket?
Well, if initial reports are anything to go by, the illegal chain of money transfer that operates on trust-based human networks across national borders, is bleeding profusely since the Tuesday night announcement by PM scrapping existing denominations of notes Rs 500 and Rs 1000.
“It’s a Hiroshima-Nagasaki moment for them. They are stunned. They don’t know what has hit them. In one stroke, the PM has nuked India’s parallel economy,” a top intelligence officer who has been tracking the Hawala network for years told News18.
A variety of police officers, chartered accountants and businessmen that News18 spoke to for this story said the major Hawala networks in Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Surat and Delhi are frozen since Tuesday night since the surprise government move. Shops that are actually fronts for illegal money transfer business stayed closed on Wednesday morning unable to handle calls from anxious clients.
According to a conservative estimate, the size of the Hawala market in India is close Rs 2 lakh crore. Security agencies have long been suspecting that a good portion of the Hawala proceeds is routed to fund terror activities in various parts of India. Intelligence agencies believe that of late Hawala money has been playing havoc in Kerala and Karnataka where the terror money has helped launched a slew of new outfits aligned to global Islamist terror groups in these hitherto peaceful states.
“A lot of money is sent abroad using this route. The scrapping of Rs.500 and Rs.1000 currency notes has ended several businesses. They are literally on the roads. Many Hawala operators are left with several hundred crores in cash. What will they do with it?” said a Mumbai-based businessman who deals in export and import business.
His words were echoed by another businessman in Bengaluru who said all Hawala transaction stopped within an hour of PM’s speech. “A lot of outsiders invest in Bengaluru real estate and about 50% money comes through Hawala. That has now stopped. The property prices will fall sharply in the coming days. It can even lead to distress selling. It is the best time for those who have white money to buy properties,” he said.
According to a top police officer from Karnataka, almost all money meant for terrorism and other anti-India activities enters India through the Hawala route. “In a recent meeting of top Intelligence Bureau (IB) officials we came to know that Karnataka and Kerala receive over Rs 50,000 crore through Hawala. These two states have strong links with the Gulf nations. We hope terrorism activities will be hit hard by this decision,” he said.
According to another person who closely follows India’s black money market, immediately after PM’s speech Hawala operators decided to suspend business for the next three months. Initially, they thought that it was some black money amnesty scheme and assured the people that their money would be paid after three months after deducting 30% of the money. “After Revenue secretary’s clarifications they have realised that it is not an amnesty schemes. I don’t think anyone will get his or her money back” he said.
All security experts agree that Hawala is used for big black market businesses like gold smuggling, real estate, betting, prostitution, drugs etc. All these sectors generate huge cash on daily basis and they may take years to come back to life.
A Mumbai hotelier told News18 that some Hawala operators he personally knew had bought several kilos of gold with the money they had at exorbitant prices after the PM's announcement.
“But it is a temporary thing. They can’t do it for long. I think they are finished for the time being. It will badly hurt commodities, bullion and real estate market. Already there are no buyers,” he said.
Currently, enforcement authorities bank on the FEMA (Foreign Exchange Management Act) 2000 and PMLA (Prevention of Money Laundering Act) 2002 to tackle Hawala transactions. But these laws had little impact on the thriving business.
With one announcement PM Modi seems to have finished the business for the time being.’’
প্রধানমন্ত্রী নরেন্দ্র মোদী মানুষের হয়রানি বুঝেই সম্ভবত ১০ নভেম্বর জাপানে পৌছে টুইট করেছেন, ‘’মানুষ ধৈর্য ধরে শৃঙ্খলা মেনে নোট বদল করছেন দেখে আমি খুব খুশি। বয়স্কদের সাহায্য করা হচ্ছে দেখেও ভাল লাগছে। বড় কিছুর জন্য কিছুটা অসুবিধা সহ্য করার এই উৎসাহ খুবই আনন্দের।‘’
সংবাদ মাধ্যমের এই আলোচনা মাথায় রেখেই প্রশ্ন তোলা যায় আমাদের দেশে ওই বিপুল সংখ্যার কালো টাকা ছড়িয়ে পড়ার উৎসটা কি? এবং কারা এইসব গোষ্ঠীকে মদত দিয়ে থাকে? ‘পানামা পেপার'-এ প্রকাশিত তালিকা থেকে আমরা জানতে পেরেছি বিভিন্ন দেশের বড় বড় মাথা এই স্ক্যামের সঙ্গে যুক্ত আছেন। ভারতীয় কালো টাকা আমাদের দেশে সংবাদ মাধ্যমে কতটা অনুপ্রবেশ হয়েছে সেসব নিয়ে ইতিপূর্বে বিস্তর আলোচনা হয়েছে। দেশের এবং বিদেশের সংবাদ মাধ্যম আমাদের সামনে সেইসব ঘটনা তুলে দিয়েছে। ভারতীয় বিনোদন শিল্পে এই কালো টাকা কতটা খাটছে? বিস্তারিত হিসাব জানা না থাকলেও শহর বাজারে গুঞ্জন কিন্তু আছে? বিশিষ্ট অর্থনীতিবিদ অধ্যাপক প্রভাত পট্টনায়ক ১০ নভেম্বর ‘The Citizen’ পত্রিকায় লিখছেন,
‘’More importantly, however, this very conception of “black money” is absurd. Indeed the term “black money” itself is a misnomer, since it conjures up the image of a stock of money which is supposed to be held not openly, in the form of bank deposits, but clandestinely in the form of currency notes, and that too in pillowcases or in containers buried in the earth.
Actually when we talk of “black money” we have in mind a whole set of activities which are either entirely illegal, such as smuggling, or drug-running, or procuring arms for terrorist organizations, or are undertaken in excess of what is legally permitted, or are not declared at all so that taxes are not paid on them.
If 100 tonnes of minerals are extracted but only 80 tonnes are declared to be extracted, in order to reduce tax payment, then we have a case of “black money” being generated. Likewise, if $100 of exports are undertaken but only $80 are declared, and the remainder $20 are kept abroad in Swiss Banks, which is against the law, then we have a case of “black money” being generated. Or if rupees are changed into foreign exchange through the hawala route and kept as deposits abroad, then we have a case of “black money” being generated. In short, “black money” refers to a whole set of undeclared activities.
“Black money”, it follows, refers not to a stock but to a flow. ”Black activities”, like “white activities”, are meant to earn profits for those engaged in them; and simply keeping a hoard of money earns no profits. What Marx had said about business activities also holds about “black activities”, namely that profits are earned not by hoarding money but by throwing it into circulation; the “miser” does the former, the capitalist the latter. And those engaged in “black activities” are capitalists not misers.
Of course, in any business money is also held for a shorter or longer period (e.g. during the C-M-C circuit); but this is true as much for “white activities” as for “black activities”, so that the belief that the differentia specifica of “black money” is that it is held while “white money” is used for circulation, is completely without any basis. All money circulates, with occasional pauses when it is held, whether it is employed in “black activities” or “white activities”. The essence of unearthing “black money” lies therefore in tracking down “black activities”, not in attacking money-holdings per se. And this requires honest, systematic, and painstaking investigation.
Long before the days of computers, the British Internal Revenue Service had earned the reputation that it would eventually catch up with any tax defaulter simply through a process of grinding and meticulous investigation. True, Britain is a small country compared to India, but that only means that the size of the tax administering personnel has to be larger, tailored to the needs of the country; and if this is done, then unearthing “black money”, at least in the domestic economy, is merely a matter of patient and efficient tax administration.
A sizeable portion of “black activities”, however, is operated through banks located abroad; indeed some would say that this constitutes much the larger portion. Narendra Modi himself before his election had talked of “bringing back” the “black money” stashed abroad, suggesting that the bulk of “black money” was located abroad, even though his remark displayed the same naïve understanding that “black money” referred to a hoard rather than to a range of activities. But if foreign banks constitute the predominant source of funding “black activities”, then the demonetization of 500 and 1000 rupee notes, while causing much hardship to ordinary people, will do little to eliminate such activities.’’
Actually when we talk of “black money” we have in mind a whole set of activities which are either entirely illegal, such as smuggling, or drug-running, or procuring arms for terrorist organizations, or are undertaken in excess of what is legally permitted, or are not declared at all so that taxes are not paid on them.
If 100 tonnes of minerals are extracted but only 80 tonnes are declared to be extracted, in order to reduce tax payment, then we have a case of “black money” being generated. Likewise, if $100 of exports are undertaken but only $80 are declared, and the remainder $20 are kept abroad in Swiss Banks, which is against the law, then we have a case of “black money” being generated. Or if rupees are changed into foreign exchange through the hawala route and kept as deposits abroad, then we have a case of “black money” being generated. In short, “black money” refers to a whole set of undeclared activities.
“Black money”, it follows, refers not to a stock but to a flow. ”Black activities”, like “white activities”, are meant to earn profits for those engaged in them; and simply keeping a hoard of money earns no profits. What Marx had said about business activities also holds about “black activities”, namely that profits are earned not by hoarding money but by throwing it into circulation; the “miser” does the former, the capitalist the latter. And those engaged in “black activities” are capitalists not misers.
Of course, in any business money is also held for a shorter or longer period (e.g. during the C-M-C circuit); but this is true as much for “white activities” as for “black activities”, so that the belief that the differentia specifica of “black money” is that it is held while “white money” is used for circulation, is completely without any basis. All money circulates, with occasional pauses when it is held, whether it is employed in “black activities” or “white activities”. The essence of unearthing “black money” lies therefore in tracking down “black activities”, not in attacking money-holdings per se. And this requires honest, systematic, and painstaking investigation.
Long before the days of computers, the British Internal Revenue Service had earned the reputation that it would eventually catch up with any tax defaulter simply through a process of grinding and meticulous investigation. True, Britain is a small country compared to India, but that only means that the size of the tax administering personnel has to be larger, tailored to the needs of the country; and if this is done, then unearthing “black money”, at least in the domestic economy, is merely a matter of patient and efficient tax administration.
A sizeable portion of “black activities”, however, is operated through banks located abroad; indeed some would say that this constitutes much the larger portion. Narendra Modi himself before his election had talked of “bringing back” the “black money” stashed abroad, suggesting that the bulk of “black money” was located abroad, even though his remark displayed the same naïve understanding that “black money” referred to a hoard rather than to a range of activities. But if foreign banks constitute the predominant source of funding “black activities”, then the demonetization of 500 and 1000 rupee notes, while causing much hardship to ordinary people, will do little to eliminate such activities.’’
‘’.......................... Some have argued that, whether or not the demonetization of 500 and 1000 rupee notes itself has the effect of countering “black money”, it represents a long-term move away from a cash-using economy, and amounts in that sense to a restraint on unaccounted activities that are typically not financed through recognized institutional channels. But quite apart from the fact that “black activities” financed through foreign banks will still escape detection in a cashless India, the very idea of a cashless India represents a pipedream of a segment of the elite, which is totally unaware of the difficulty that a common person faces in obtaining a credit card, or even opening a bank account (despite Modi’s loud boasts about expanding people’s bankability). The move towards a cashless economy, while not being realized, will simply become an additional means through which the common people will get squeezed.
But, what about the other argument that such demonetization acts against terrorism by preventing the circulation of fake currency notes printed “across the border”? This argument hinges crucially on the assumption that the technology employed in printing the new legal tender will prevent any possibility of faking it. Let us accept that assumption. Even so, the introduction of such new legal tender which cannot be faked, at the expense of the existing legal tender, could have been effected in a gradual and altogether unobtrusive manner, exactly as the introduction of new currency notes in lieu of the old ones is routinely effected.
It is not as if the government was expecting an avalanche of fake notes on the night of November 8; why could it not have avoided the sudden, surprising, and massive attack on the security and convenience of the people that it launched on the night of November 8?
What the Modi government has done is unprecedented in the history of modern India. Even the colonial government had shown greater sensitivity to the convenience of the people than the Modi government has done by demonetizing only those notes which were possessed by the super-rich and not those possessed by the people at large. This “emergency measure”, however, is in line with the numerous other measures being currently pursued by the Modi government which has embarked on an undeclared “Emergency”: it is as fatuous as it is against the people.
But, what about the other argument that such demonetization acts against terrorism by preventing the circulation of fake currency notes printed “across the border”? This argument hinges crucially on the assumption that the technology employed in printing the new legal tender will prevent any possibility of faking it. Let us accept that assumption. Even so, the introduction of such new legal tender which cannot be faked, at the expense of the existing legal tender, could have been effected in a gradual and altogether unobtrusive manner, exactly as the introduction of new currency notes in lieu of the old ones is routinely effected.
It is not as if the government was expecting an avalanche of fake notes on the night of November 8; why could it not have avoided the sudden, surprising, and massive attack on the security and convenience of the people that it launched on the night of November 8?
What the Modi government has done is unprecedented in the history of modern India. Even the colonial government had shown greater sensitivity to the convenience of the people than the Modi government has done by demonetizing only those notes which were possessed by the super-rich and not those possessed by the people at large. This “emergency measure”, however, is in line with the numerous other measures being currently pursued by the Modi government which has embarked on an undeclared “Emergency”: it is as fatuous as it is against the people.
এই আলোচনায় ভারতীয় অর্থনীতি কতটা মজবুত সেদিকে নজর দেওয়া সম্ভবত আমার পক্ষে সম্ভব নয়। সম্প্রতি ওয়াল্ড ব্যঙ্ক ৯ নভেম্বর একটি লেখায় দাবি করছে ভারতীয় অর্থনীতির বৃদ্ধি অনেকটাই নির্ভর করছে রফতানির উপরে। অর্থাৎ বিভিন্ন ক্ষেত্রে উৎপাদন বাড়াতে পারলে সেই উৎপন্ন দ্রব্য দক্ষিণ এশিয়ার বিভিন্ন দেশে রফতানি করে চিন সহ অন্যান্য প্রতিবেশি দেশের সঙ্গে পাল্লা দিতে পারে।
NEW DELHI, November 9, 2016 — South Asia could become the fastest growing exporting region of the world if India and its South Asian neighbors enhance the productivity of their firms by at least two percentage points each year, says a new World Bank report.
To do that, the report, South Asia’s Turn: Policies to Boost Competitiveness and Create the Next Export Powerhouse, suggests a set of policy actions not only aimed at improving the business environment, but more importantly draws attention to less-well-researched areas such as the role of cities and clusters, global value chains (GVC), and firms’ abilities to innovate and efficiently use resources, including technology.
Today, a broad set of constraints limit the growth and export potential of Indian firms’ vis-à-vis their competitors in East Asia and the rest of the world. The report argues that increasing productivity of firms in India and the rest of South Asia is the only sustainable path to improving competitiveness. Improving productivity requires a greater shift of resources from agriculture to manufacturing and services, reforms to current practices inhibiting firm formation and growth, strengthening of “agglomeration economies” that take advantage of proximity of suppliers and qualified workers, more widespread adoption of new technologies and investments into skills training.
“India’s leading firms are comparable to many in OECD countries when it comes to productivity and technology adoption,” said Junaid Ahmad, World Bank Country Director in India. “However, with stronger global competitive pressures and slowing world trade, ensuring that all firms in India are able to improve their productivity to create jobs, reduce poverty, and boost shared prosperity is the key policy and regulatory challenge for the government,” he added.
The region’s great potential to boost its competitiveness is evidenced through a number of examples in the report, ranging from the highly successful apparel industries in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka to India’s auto parts, agribusiness, software and Business Processing Offshoring (BPO) sectors. India in particular has made substantial progress in developing top of the value chain capabilities, such as becoming a global research and development (R&D) hub for major auto-parts and electronics producers.
With the right set of productivity-enhancing policies, South Asia, led by India, could more than triple its share in global markets of electronics and motor vehicles and come close to doubling its already significant market share in wearing apparel (excluding textiles and leather) by 2030.
India also leads many global competitors when it comes to wage competitiveness and proximity to key markets, but remains behind on other GVC capabilities including physical capital, human capital, institutions and logistics. As a result, while India’s 14 percent annual export growth between 2000 and 2013 puts it in the first tier of South Asian countries when it comes to merchandise exports, its goods reach only 1.5 percent of the global exports market.
“Much of India’s resources are currently trapped in small, low-productivity firms that neither grow nor exit,” said Denis Medvedev, Lead Economist and one of the authors of the report. On average, an Indian firm that is more than 24 years old employs only 50 percent more workers than a new firm (aged less than 5 years), while firms in China, Indonesia and Vietnam are able to increase employment by 2-5 times over their lifecycle. If product and factor market distortions in India were to be brought down to levels similar to those in the US, productivity could rise by as much as 60 percent.
Productivity of India’s firms could also be enhanced by improving managerial capabilities and making more effective use of technology, the report says. While nearly all firms in India have access to the internet (similar to the levels observed in high income countries), only 50 percent (a level similar to Africa) use it to better connect with customers and suppliers. And while innovation is widespread, it consists mostly in adopting existing technology, with only 2 percent of Indian firms introducing new products and processes to the world.
“The region has a significant untapped potential in raising productivity through development of urban ecosystems providing thick markets for skilled labor, large tracts of industrial land, and world class logistics,” said Vincent Palmade, Lead Economist and one of the report’s co-authors. According to the report, firms realize significant productivity benefits from locating in areas with a wide diversity of workers, suppliers, and customers. In India, a number of top firms in the automotive sector fostered innovation by locating close to customers to enable their engineers to work together with those of the client, and gradually built up their capacities from simpler to more complex components, the report adds.
এর জন্য প্রয়োজন কালো টাকার স্রোত বন্ধ করা। এবং প্রতিবেশি রাষ্ট্রের সঙ্গে সীমান্ত বাণিজের প্রসার ঘটানো। বিশ্ব ব্যাঙ্কের সেই রিপোর্ট এই লেখার সঙ্গে জুড়ে দিলাম।
